The Generation Of The Technology - 899 Words

The generation of the technology, the delayed life choices, the impatience, the reliance on our parents, more commonly known as Generation Y or Millennials, is the generation born between 1980 and 2000. Older generations are always finding fault with what we, the Millennials, do or say or didn’t do or didn’t say. The world is changing so fast, we can hardly keep up. It is bad enough we have to push to learn as much as we can and apply the knowledge effectively, let alone being criticized for every move we make by our elders, who don’t really seem to help matters but complicate them. There are many labels, mostly negative, on my generation. Some common terms include incompetent, ghetto, lazy, apathetic, tech-savvy, procrastinators, and lacking potential for the world. In some ways these aim to be true, but in other ways they are far from the truth. I believe that my generation has more potential than we are given credit for. We are about to graduate, or have recen tly graduated high school or college, with some not even 18 years old yet. What has always baffled me is that we are expected by adults to know what we want to do for the rest of our lives before we’re even legal adults. Yes, colleges have undecided majors, but what happens after college when some people still don’t know exactly what they enjoy? Because of this, we are criticized for not having our lives together and â€Å"delaying life choices that traditionally signaled adulthood† (Evans, 1) as discussed in â€Å"BoomerangShow MoreRelatedThe Millenial Generation and Technology1414 Words   |  6 Pagesbe existing with their guardians, (45%) contrasted with utilized Millennials( 29%) (A Rising Share of Young Adults). Helicopter parents also influence Millennials to be dependant. According to Kathryn Tyler, a Generation X freelance writer and former Human Resource generalist, technology has increased children’s dependency and parental oversight, â€Å" making it easier for overbearing parents to ‘hover’ well into adulthood†. It gives parents control of their decisions. Millennials are dependent becauseRead MoreThe Generation Of Technology By Jae Imani949 Words   |  4 PagesBorn in the generation of technology, Jae Imani is a twenty-one year old woman mixed with Spanish and black. Being the second generation born in American, Jae identifies with her Caribbean roots of Spanish and West Indian. Her mother’s family is from Barbados and her father’s family is from Panama. Jae values both the Bajan and Panamanian cultural equally. Growing up, Jae’s family socioeconomic status was the middle class. Jae’s parents worked hard to support her and her little brother. She was raisedRead MoreNetwork Architecture Of Third Generation Technology950 Words   |  4 PagesAbstract— 5G Technology stands for fifth Generation Mobile technology. From generation 1G to 2.5G and from 3G to 5G this wo rld of telecommunication has seen a number of improvements along with improved performance with every passing day. This fast revolution in mobile computing changes our day to day life that is way we work, interact, learn etc. This paper also focuses on all preceding generations of mobile communication along with fifth generation technology. Fifth generation network provide affordableRead MoreInfluence of New Technologies in the Generation Gap1088 Words   |  5 Pagesa younger generation and their seniors. Each generation developed in a different period, with different ways of living and with different ideals. Although these differences have been present throughout history, old generations have to be confronted at the cultural change which affects the actual society, particularly with the new generations X and Y. The basic purpose of this paper is to show that the development of medias and new technologies have a great influence on the Generation Gap. All theseRead MoreTechnology And Its Harm To Future Generations Essay1067 Words   |  5 PagesTechnology And Its Harm To future Generations Will the usage of computers in a classroom setting result in adverse effects on young future generations? No doubt, for years has this been an ongoing argument concerning the educational system. Because computer use is promoted in schools, and because computers are so ubiquitous, children have a great deal of exposure to them. Not everyone, however, is comfortable with the use of computers by young children. Educators, Professors, Parents, and SchoolRead MoreInformation Technology : A New Generation Of Sql1596 Words   |  7 PagesInformation technology continues to revolutionize the interactions of mankind in various ways, through social media, business, education and other channels. The internet has made it possible to transmit large data across many networks. These networks have made it possible to store, access and query billion of data from large databases. Innovation has given rise to special language used to manage and access all sorts of information within various databases know as SQL. Recently a new generation of SQLRead MoreTechnology On Our Generation s Future1239 Words   |  5 PagesPhilosophy December 16, 2016 Technology on our Generation’s Future Technology is machinery created by scientific knowledge that serves an active role in our industries (Computerhope). Around the world technology has become one of the most popular forms of communication (Computerhope). 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And the generation is used to describe the development history of wireless mobile telecommunication standard and technology, from first generation (1G) to fifth generation (5G). Fourth generation (4G) is currently widely commercialized around the world by different wireless service providers, or carriers. Mobile WiMAX and Long-Term Evolution (LTE) are two technology categories in 4G systems and theRead MoreTechnology Is The Key Factor For Future Generations971 Words   |  4 Pageswas every generation of people come from the one before and through education they will become more knowledgeable and educated than the last generation. Education is the key factor in differing generations, without it they would only be replicas of the generation beforehand. Without being taught education we would still be in â€Å"Caveman Times† creating fire with sticks instead of where we are today creating advanced technology that would help educate the minds of many for future generations to come.

The Arab Spring free essay sample

On the whole, the success rate of democratization is so far disappointing. That begs the question whether the Arab popular uprisings for democratic change, what the media conveniently dubbed the ‘Arab Spring’, are dead or still alive. Certainly, the Arab Spring is not dead; prevailing political and economic realities do, however, indicate that it is inching towards the death bed. Though it is too early to make such an assertion, the insurmountable political and economic challenges facing the post-revolutionary governments portend less hope for its success. There exist huge gaps between what the pro-democracy forces expected from the revolutions, that is, the expectations of transforming their societies away from authoritarian to democratic order, and what has been achieved or what is achievable on the ground. Neither national conditions nor global developments appear propitious to favor the goals and expectations of the pro-democracy forces. The Arab Spring, in stark contrast to other great historical revolutions, is marked by a series of distinctive features, and many of its weaknesses largely originate from these distinctive features. This is probably the first time in history that popular uprisings for social and political change kicked off without a particular ideology to promote. The Arab youths who organized the uprisings and shaped its course come from different political persuasions; they had no common political platform, no common political thread to tie them together. Neither in the post-uprisings period did they galvanize their political spirit by floating a common political party to consolidate their victories against the anti-democratic, counter-revolutionary forces. Equally noticeable was the absence of able leaders to guide the uprisings to successful conclusions. True, there existed some timid political parties in Egypt, Tunisia, and Yemen but no revolutionary or visionary leaders in the likes of George Washington, V. I. Lenin, Mahatma Gandhi, Ayatollah Khomeini or Nelson Mandela. These political parties were hesitant to join the pro-democracy popular movements but tried to catch up once protesters defied the security forces and went out of control of the autocratic regimes. The leadership vacuum has put the army initially and then the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, the Ennahda Party in Tunisia, a conglomerate of anti-Gaddafi forces in Libya, and elements of the old guards in Yemen in power. The beginning rather sounded inauspicious. Worse of all, the uprisings have fostered close collaboration between democratic and counter-revolutionary camps. The conservative Gulf monarchies, except Kuwait to a large extent, are the most fortified anti-democratic fort of the Middle East. In order to preserve hereditary rules and oil money-supported patronage systems, the Saudi King Abdullah sent troops on 14 March 2011 to suppress the popular demands for political and economic reforms in the island kingdom of Bahrain. The US, which has its Fifth Fleet based in Bahrain and a welter of strategic and business interests throughout the Gulf, acquiesced to Saudi intervention. Iran was projected as the enemy out there to take advantage. The Saudis, the Qataris and the Americans also found themselves onboard to oust Muammar Gaddafi through NATO-led military assault on Libya – a wonderful episode of cooperation between democracy and authoritarianism history will preserve in its archive for good. The young Egyptians, Libyans, Tunisians and Yemenis have defied all authoritarian hurdles to set their homelands on the track to democracy. They did not dream of becoming European liberals or American conservatives overnight but were motivated by the need to bury their authoritarian past and build their countries anew. There is a minimum expectation that propels every great revolution. In 1917 the Russian proletariat and the unpaid armed forces supported V. I. Lenin’s socialist revolution in the hope of securing a guaranteed future for bread and butter; the French revolutionaries of 1789 mobilized the common Frenchmen by promising an end to monarchical absolutism and the promulgation of inalienable rights, citizenships for all and good governance. In 2011, the Arab youths and mass people started their uprisings believing that they would be better off in a post-authoritarian system. Their expectations focused on achieving three principal goals – freedom from want, freedom from fear, and the freedom to live in dignity what together make up human security, a concept the UNDP first popularized in 1994. Human security is widely defined as ‘safety from the constant threats from hunger, disease, crime and repression’. The achievement of human security in the post-revolutionary Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Yemen requires, at a minimum, enough employment creations for the Arab youth bulge (15 – 29 age brackets) who constitute one-third of the total population, elimination of mass poverty (that ranges from 25 per cent in Egypt to 54. 5 per cent in Yemen) and economic inequalities, the elimination of conflicts, crimes and violence, and an end to intimidations, illegal tortures, and discriminations. In a nutshell, in order for the Arab Spring to stay alive, the post-uprisings Arab governments must achieve a minimum level of economic development to satisfy the basic needs of their people, and reorient the political order to secure good governance and social justice for all. The big question is: can they do it? Both insiders and outsiders easily comprehend that much of the violence and conflicts that keep battering Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, and Yemen originate from the lack of adequate economic provisions for the common people. The initial euphoria for democracy, it seems, may not last long unless the economy picks up dynamism with job promises for the young people. A 2012 Pew Research Center poll has found that the common Arabs prefer a strong economy to a democratic government. One does not need to be a genius like Karl Marx to grasp the simple idea that economics shapes the patterns of politics. The Egyptians are particularly frustrated that their post-revolution economic condition is worse than it was under Hosni Mubarak. Fiscal crisis and current account imbalances are more than threatening to the goals of pro-democracy movements. Egypt’s foreign currency reserves dropped from $36 billion in 2010 to $24 billion by July 2011 and by January 2013 it shriveled to $13. 6 billion; foreign investors pulled $5. 5 billion by the end of 2011 and foreign direct investment declined sharply; GDP growth rate slid to 1. 8 per cent in 2011 to 1. 5 per cent in 2012 creating many economic woes for the Egyptians. The same picture is visible in Tunisia and Yemen. The dictators vanished leaving behind their economies in shambles. Under Hosni Mubarak, Egypt strongly pursued a pro-market private sector-led development strategy till his fall in February 2011. Late Anwar El-Sadat introduced this strategy in the mid-1970s that marked a cut-off point from Gamal Abdel Nasser’s social contract that guaranteed employments for the educated youths and free social services for the common Egyptians in exchange for political loyalty. Mubarak’s son Gamal Mubarak, groomed as the next in succession line, pursued a rapid privatization program and sold most state corporations to private Egyptian businessmen and investors from Brazil, China, Russia, the US, and the Gulf Arab states. The program spread elite corruption and sharply widened the gaps between the rich and the poor effectively turning Egypt into a two-tier society. In Tunisia, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali established a family fiefdom where his family members and relatives came to firmly control the economic and commercial activities of the country. The common Tunisians suffered so much so that their patience broke down once the college graduate Mohamed Bouazizi set himself on fire on 17 December 2010. In Yemen, Ali Abdullah Saleh dispensed power and patronage through biased tribal and regional systems that bred discontents nationally and ignited rebellion in some parts of the country. Al-Qaeda fighters stepped in to take advantage of domestic political and economic grievances created by Saleh’s misrule. A quick improvement in post-revolutionary economies requires nothing less than economic miracles but this is very unlikely to happen. A few steps that seem urgent include a bold transition to market economy, introduction of sound fiscal and economic growth strategies to create employment opportunities for the youth bulge, policies to reduce social and economic gaps between the rich and the poor and simultaneous democratization of the political order at a pace people find acceptable. Libya may find the transition relatively easy since money coming from the oil sector gives it substantial leverage to navigate through financial and economic difficulties. The Libyan government earned a total of $54. 9 billion in 2012 in oil and gas revenues with a state budget of approximately the same amount for the same year to finance (50 billion Libyan dinars budget). For resource-poor Egypt, Tunisia and Yemen there is no easy solution. Their limited capacities to deal with post-revolution social and economic problems are chipped away by the continuing global economic recession, particularly the economic decline in the European Union (EU) member states. The economies of Egypt and Tunisia are more integrated with the EU; Tunisia, in particular, is sensitive to the ripple effects of what happens in the big EU economies. The economic and social problems are complicated more by the evolving patterns of politics. Except in Yemen, the Islamists are in control in all the post-revolutionary Arab states. Long repressed by the Arab autocrats, the Islamists rose to power by capitalizing on the weaknesses of the secular political forces and by dint of their organizational strength. The electoral victories of Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt or the Ennahda Party in Tunisia did not bring with them a wealth of democratic state and nation-building experiences. While in the opposition they found too many faults with the now toppled dictators but once in power they started wavering in action, sometimes making the politically counterproductive decisions. The violent popular reactions to power grab by Egyptian President Mohammed Morsi is just a case at hand. In the absence of governance experiences and a development plan to stimulate economic growth to steer clear of political discontents, many Islamists turned to Turkey under the AKP (Justice and Development Party) rule since 2002 as a possible model to emulate. Soon after the Tunisian revolution, the Ennahda Party leader Rachid Ghannouchi told a press conference that his party would follow the Turkish model. A 2011 TESEV (Turkish Economic and Social Studies Center) public opinion survey in the Arab world found that 66 per cent of Arabs preferred Turkey as a model for their respective countries. Though opinions on what the Turkish model exactly means are divided, a simple articulation of the model points to the coexistence of democracy, political Islam, and successful economic liberalization. The Islamic AKP coexists with secular political parties in a secular democratic state structure without Islamizing the face and identity of Turkey but supervising rapid economic development with an average 8 per cent growth rate in 2010 and 2011. That marks a fundamental shift from the pre-2002 Kemalists-led state-imposed, elitist, and military supervised economic and political modernization of Turkey. Turkey, as a Muslim country and also because of its geographic proximity, appeals to the Arab world but it is doubtful whether Egypt, Libya or Tunisia can follow the footsteps of AKP. There is limited prospect for these countries at best to score big on issues like Turkish-style successful transition to market economy and integration into the global markets, a sufficient level of economic development to cope with the pressures of population growth, and efficient governance systems. Turkey itself is also experiencing economic contraction as its economy grew only by 1. 6 per cent in the third quarter of 2012. What hopes the economically less developed, less modernized Egypt, Tunisia or Yemen hold out for their people? While the AKP, being an Islamic party, has not really attempted to bring about Islamic transformation of Turkey, the Arab Islamic political parties and groups seek to promote Islamic laws and identities of their societies. Post-uprisings Egyptian, Libyan and Tunisian constitutions prioritize Islamic religion as the principal source of law and values. Extra pressures for Islamization are created by the salafi groups, such as the Libyan Islamic Movement for Change or the Al-Nour Party in Egypt. This is what destabilizes the post-revolution political order by unleashing diverse and conflicting political forces who constantly jockey for power and influence. No less damaging has been external interference in the spontaneous course of Arab pro-democracy movements. Great and regional powers have got dangerously enmeshed in the movements, either supporting or opposing the movements. UN Security Council Resolution 1973 legitimized NATO-led military intervention in Libya to promote democracy; it succeeded in bringing down the Gaddafi regime on 20 October 2011 but raised new serious questions about the application of force to promote democracy in the name of ‘the responsibility to protect’. The French arms delivery to the rebel fighters in violation of Security Council Resolution 1970 that imposed arms embargos on all Libyan parties, and regime change through force, according to many observers, overstepped the powers and jurisdictions of the two Resolutions. The Russians and the Chinese subsequently used it to justify their decisions to veto similar resolutions on Syria to stifle the pro-democracy forces. The Arab Spring, in fact, created a new geopolitical arena for the great powers either to promote or preserve their national interests, real as well as perceived. France became eager to spearhead the NATO military strikes on the Gaddafi regime once it secretly concluded coveted oil deals with the rebel National Transitional Council; the Russians would leave no stone untouched to safeguard their naval base in Syria’s sea port Tartus and continue arms supplies to the Bashar Al-Assad government; and the Americans would support no action against their allies – the Bahraini Al-Khalifa rulers and Yemen’s Ali Abdullah Saleh though they warranted Security Council interventions. One notices with painful sadness that Arab democracy promotions did not genuinely figure in their interests calculations. Distressing internal developments and encumbering external environment together have retarded the normal course of the Arab Spring. It is beyond the imagination of many people that the Arab Spring is getting dried out so soon. The fates of past great historical revolutions constantly remind us not to be too much optimistic about the glorious Arab pro-democracy movements. The 1917 Russian socialist revolution lasted some seventy years what prompted the Marxist historian Eric Hobsbawm to label the 20th century as ‘the short twentieth century’, the French Revolution soon unleashed a ‘Reign of Terror’ though normalcy returned after massive killings and bloodshed, and the 1979 Iranian Revolution soon found itself entangled in a long war with Iraq and then in shackles of sanctions imposed by the West. The Arab Spring is tied up by irresolvable internal politico-economic problems and unwelcome external involvements. This is what is cutting short the life of the Arab Spring. The young Arab democratic forces are angry with post-uprisings developments, they lack the capacities to define and determine the course of their countries but are spirited enough to safeguard what they have achieved by overthrowing the dictators in Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Yemen. That promises no return to the authoritarian past but, at the same time, guarantees no progressive actions to materialize the objectives of the pro-democracy revolutions to keep the Arab Spring alive for years or decades to come.

Jacksonian Democracy Essays - Political Philosophy, Elections

Jacksonian Democracy Equality in Democracy The United States of America was founded by its people, for its people in the pursuit of life, liberty and happiness, by attempting to provide freedom and equality. The way of life back when the government set down its foundation was quite different than it is now. Some things were just considered natural law and were left out of law making and the Constitution because they were morally accepted as right and wrong. For instance, I highly doubt that the government would have allowed Nazi party privileges to exist under freedom of speech. The idea of My rights end where yours begin states that an individual has freedom until the freedom interferes with the rights given to another. To create and maintain a quality form of government, one where privileges are not abused and equality is taken seriously, we must decide how large a role we want the government to play in the maintaining of morals and natural law. The use of all nine roles of government is needed to maximize the quality of democracy because it promotes the equality of each individual. (Godwin&Wahlke 15-30) The four minimal roles of the government (protection and order, collective goods and dilemmas, negative externalities and rights and duties) are generally accepted as a basis of what a government should provide its people. The government must protect the safety of its people and protect itself from internal revolutions and external invasions. Also, it attempts to improve the general welfare of its people by resolving collective dilemmas, minimizing negative externalities and providing collective goods wherever possible. To do this, the government must specify and enforce the rights and duties of its people. The four roles are obviously needed for control and order within a society and prove to be beneficial to everyone. (Godwin&Wahlke 23) From there, the government should apply the five additional roles of government. The five roles are: social justice, economic intervention in the economy, government as a moral force and political socialization. The application of these roles is necessary to the quality of democracy because they attempt to increase social justice, improve economic efficiency, encourage morality and socialize citizens to accept obligations appropriate to their roles in the existing society.(Godwin&Wahlke 23) By attempting to accomplish these goals, things like discrimination, public opinion and self-interest are discouraged by the promotion of a common morality. Government as a moral force, in a way, works with social justice in that it sets the foundation of which social justice attempts to achieve. Standards, set by the people and implied by the government, should promote and be built around natural law. Locke's theory of natural law produces natural rights,'' providing the right to life, liberty, property, and equality before the law. (Godwin&Wahlke 48) These rights encourage an equal chance in life for freedom and property/wealth. To protect society and individuals from discrimination by preserving equal rights, social justice attempts to provide an enjoyable life and an opportunity for equality, whether it be social or economic. This role of the government is needed to provide a gateway for the less fortunate and struggling people of America to have an equal chance of success and happiness in life. In contrast to the Gospel of Wealth which William Henley states, I am the master of my own fate; I am the captain of my own soul, (Bizzell&Herzberg 415) Rawls believes that Institutions should be created to keep people from falling below a minimal threshold of well-being. No one should be so disadvantaged that they cannot maintain their self-respect and defend their interests against people of much greater wealth or power. (Godwin&Wahlke 63-64) Social justice is essential to the quality of democracy because, without it, society would allow selfishness, public opinion, and personal interest to rule, condemning the less fortunate to their status and not honoring their rights to and equal chance of life, liberty, and happiness. Through the ideals stated in social justice, economic efficiency attempts to provide positive goods or services to all of society at minimal cost. The basic idea behind it is to put as little effort or money into something that provides the greatest amount of goods possible. As an example, the public school system, paid by the taxes of the public, provides an education for anyone in the community for free. The public pays little individually to provide anyone an opportunity for an

Turman Show Essay essays

Turman Show Essay essays Paradise Lost : The Truman Show Cristof's creation and the Garden of Eden parallel on many accounts and throughout both the simalarities and difference became quite clear . The two worlds had many elements of utopian thought which makes both worlds perfect . Furthermore , that element , utopianism , would make anyone want to leave because through reality Throughout "The Truman Show ," and The Garden of Eden there were many elements that had simlarities between the two worlds of utopia . In the Truman Show and The Garden of Eden we saw that there was no violence , no crime, no hatred , no destruction . An example of how The Truman Show had no elements of crime , hatred or violence was whenever something bad happend , it was all an act that seconds later was cleaned up . For example , when Truman went to see what was beyond there was traffic . Second later in the same place , there was none . In the Garden of Eden , the reason for no violence , destruction and hatred was simply because that there was only Adam and Eve . Adam and Ever were alone , no one to influence them .... so they thought . Another example of similarities was how Seanhaven was the perfect living environment . Seahaven had everything that anyone that doesn't know about the outside world would want such as : places to go to let out frustrations , places to enjoy themselves but more importantly they made believe that it was reality . The Garden of Eden has many of the same environmental facts as Seahaven such as the fact that everything that Adam and Eve needed they received simply because everything was provided . Adam and Eve needed nothing more then to kill or take what they needed from the society which in every way was perfect . The final part that had many similar elements between "The Truman Show ," and The Garden of Eden was the fact that both Seahaven and The Garden of Ede...

Orientalism in Fashion Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1750 words

Orientalism in Fashion - Essay Example The essay "Orientalism in Fashion" concerns the fashion and orientalism. One can attribute this invasion of Oriental elements into European art and fashion to Paul Poiret and his imaginative and bold style that he pioneered in the decade leading up to the First World War. After inaugurating his fashion house in 1903 on the rue Auber, Poiret’s business grew quickly. Parisian women found the clear lines and simple forms of his designs very appealing. Poiret is the first couturier to â€Å"raise the waist in women's dresses, recalling Empire lines and thereby creating an elongated silhouette, like a cue stick.† The invasion of oriental elements into Parisian fashion was so pronounced that by 1913, one can see everywhere loose-fitting waists, oriental chemises or Russian blouses, drawn into â€Å"a sash of velvet or satin, or where there is no sash, a band of embroidery encircles the hips to give the same effect." At the time Paul Poiret was establishing his career in fash ion design there was a sense of stagnation and limitation in fashionable expression for women. At the turn of the century when Poiret opened his couture house, women’s figures â€Å"were not only divided in two by a whalebone corset, but also constrained by masses of fabric†. Poiret went about changing this condition and hence freed a generation of women from constricted dresses. His wife and muse Denise was also his foremost model for trying new design prototypes. What Poiret wanted to achieve was to bring back the classical dressing sensibilities. that he so admired and assimilated into his aesthetics. He first encountered classical paintings at the Louvre as a school boy. His unique design style shifted the emphasis to the shoulders; the waist was raised to a considerable degree. His style reflected the neo-Grecian Directoire sensibilities of erstwhile art patrons Empress Josephine and Lady Hamilton. To accentuate the contours of the body Poiret employed fine fabric s such as silk, tulle and muslin. He also reduced the hemline into that iconic model called the hobble skirt. (Web 2007) The Oriental elements to Paul Poiret’s designs were manifest in his use of gold, fur, fringes and turbans – some of which are being reinvented contemporarily at Prada. Poiret’s embrace of Oriental elements reached its peak in Paris with the unveiling by Leon Bakst of the Ballets Russes. One of the stand-out designs in the years preceding the First World War is the Persian themed designs that were seen during the 1002nd Night party in 1911. Exhibiting his showmanship during the event, Poiret dressed up as a sultan and locked up his wife in a golden cage. As usual she modeled his latest creation: harem pants. Poiret was flooded with orders for these pants. Women saw in them an avenue for liberty, if only to let them dance to the emergent cultural craze for the tango. (Web 2007) Art 1. Two Dresses by Paul Poiret (Plate 2 from Les Robes de Paul Po iret), illustrated by Paul Iribe, 1908. The significance of Poiret’s Orientalist designs emerges from their widespread cultural effects. For example, the sultan harem pants were in such vogue that respected architecture journal commented and illustrated Poiret’s works through the artful photographs of Edward Steichen. The journal article went on to praise Poiret’s work as an â€Å"

Cameron Mackintosh and Megamusical Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 4000 words

Cameron Mackintosh and Megamusical - Essay Example The paper begins with a brief introduction of the great figure. It attempts to elucidate the nature and specific characteristics of a megamusical and proceeds to present a detailed overview on the subject shedding light on international trends in megamusicals and the role played by the critics' reviews and the scholarly courses in its development. Then specific role and tremendous effort of Cameron mackintosh has been brought to light and in the end a brief summary of his remarkable achievements is presented. Mackintosh, Cameron born was a British theatrical producer who oversaw the era of the international "megamusical" in the 1980s and 1990s, becoming the world's most prominent and powerful impresario. Mackintosh was born on Oct. 17, 1946, in Enfield, Middlesex, England, to Ian Mackintosh, a Scottish timber merchant and jazz trumpeter, and Maltese-born Diana Tonna Mackintosh, who had been actor Nigel Patrick's secretary when the couple met in Italy during World War II. Eight-year-old Mackintosh was taken to see a production of the musical Salad Days, after which he demanded to speak to the author, Julian Slade, who gave him a backstage tour and instilled in the boy a fascination with theatrical production. Mackintosh studied stage management at the Central School of Speech and Drama in London but left after one year. He became a stagehand at London's Theatre Royal, Drury Lane, cleaning the auditorium after performances to earn extra money. His first West End presentation, a 1969 revival of Anything Goes, failed. In 1976, however, his production of the musical revue Side by Side by Sondheim ran 781 performances in London before transferring to Broadway, his first stateside effort. (Lawson, 1999) Before we move further to discuss his journey with the development of Megamusical, it is preferable to present a detailed overview of the overall development of the megamusical and combine Mackintosh's role along with it. Megamusical: An Overview Sternfeld (2006) explains in detail that the term may appear to be comical, like many other neologisms, but to describe the content in this paper it may be most precise and accurate. This term Megamusical actually refers to the type of musical genre which today is the prominent compulsion on the Broadway and got attention in the decades of the 1970's and 1980's. This paper doesn't use this word for the first time, as in the 1980's it began to appear on the New York Times. By different reviewers and journalists, the tag was sometimes selected sarcastically and has originated its way into theater analysis and olden times. There exist a number of synonyms such as extravaganza, blockbuster musical and spectacle show, however, the most accurate is the megamusical. The surroundings of the show and the show itself are the aspects that differentiate a megamusical from a common musical. The most prominent of the genres of the megamusical in the 1980's were the sports style as sports were of significance in those days, however, over the years it has evolved into other flourishing genres. However, a sturdy constancy materializes as an assembly, but a megamusical doesn't demonstrate all of the characteristics of the

George W. Bush more like T. Roosevelt as opposed to Taft and Wilson Essay Example for Free

George W. Bush more like T. Roosevelt as opposed to Taft and Wilson Essay President George W. Bush’s post September 11th policy certainly shows great resemblances to President Theodore Roosevelt’s foreign policy more than that of Taft or Wilson. Roosevelt had a more stern policy, encouraging the forceful defense of the nation and the spreading of democracy and Christian ideals to less fortunate countries. This was very much so a direct correlation to what Bush tried to do Taft’s policy emphasized economic ideals in that he argued the US should lend out money and help countries elevate their economic status in order for the promotion of peace and prosperity throughout the world. Wilson’s policy emphasized morality, and the â€Å"nice guy† standpoint of how the US should carry out obligations. Consequently, President George Bush’s policy is a better reflection of President Theodore Roosevelt’s policy more than Taft’s or Wilson’s policy because of the military and political ideals that the two policies share. President Bush’s post September 11 policy reflects Roosevelt’s is because of the swift, stern actions that Bush’s administration took after the attacks on the nation. As Bush sent the troops over to Iraq quickly and in great numbers, the administration sent a candid and stern message. The United States would not stand for an attack on its soil, and those who did so would receive grave punishment for their actions. This message echoes the morals behind the â€Å"big Stick† policy. Just as Theodore Roosevelt once said, â€Å"Speak softly and carry a big stick.† Theodore Roosevelt believed that power was an important and unavoidable thing in foreign affairs. He also noted in his addition to the Monroe Doctrine (called the Roosevelt Corollary) that if any nation in the Western Hemisphere appeared in a political or fiscal situation that would allow for European control, the US should intervene. With an imperialistic outlook on the world, Roosevelt made the US a nation that constantly intervened and helped Latin American countries avoid European interference in the Western Hemisphere. Examples of this lie in Theodore Roosevelt actions when he made Cuba a protectorate, took Guam and Puerto Rico, as well as when he ventured out and involved the United States in the counterinsurgency of the Philippines all in order to fortify the existence of democracy and Christianity and help the individuals of the nations govern themselves. These ideals and policies were mirrored in Bush’s actions when the US troops inhabited the Middle East, and the Bush administration took it upon itself to take advantage of their occupancy of the lands by spreading its ideals of democracy and ‘correct’ political procedures. By doing this, the Bush Administration had essentially identified these locations in the Middle East as lesser fortunate nations, deemed themselves fit to help these regions, and force their ‘help’ past the governments of the regions and to the people. This decision and series of actions greatly resembles the actions and opinions of Roosevelt’s Corollary. Taft’s policy by contrast, was more of the United States venturing out to foreign land allowing for each foreign nation’s gradual acquiring of political and economic power through US investment in the countries’ infrastructures, which has little to do with Bush’s initial choice to attack the Middle East after September 11. Taft used Dollar Diplomacy, instead of military force. He wanted control and to aid businessmen in the US, and was in strong favor of solving problems via economic means rather than militarily. He saw his policy as humanitarian, for stabilization improved the living scale and conditions. For instance, in Nicaragua during 1912, the government would default on its debts, which might mean European intervention. The US offered to loan money (by private men) if the US could have some supervision over Nicaraguan finances. Bush’s post September 11 policy does not mirror this because he was in favor of military force and making it known militarily that the US could not be attacked without grave punishment. Wilson however based his policy on Morality. Bush’s post September 11th policy did not wholly reflect Wilson’s policy because Wilson’s Missionary policy aimed more in the direction of seeking peace and prosperity by means of creating pathways for institutions to branch out globally while Bush’s aim after the September 11 attacks was to retaliate forcefully and brutally (neither of which was peaceful). For instance, when the Japanese attempted, in the notorious Twenty-one Demands (1915), to reduce China almost to the status of a Japanese protectorate, he persuaded them to modify their conditions slightly. The Twenty-One Demands required that China immediately cease its leasing of territory to foreign powers and to ascent to Japanese control over Manchuria and Shandong (Shantung) among other demands. Such persuasion as opposed to attack and forcefully making the US point reveals the difference between Bush’s and Wilson’s policy. Consequently, it is evident that President Bush’s post September 11 policy best resembles Roosevelt’s â€Å"big stick† diplomacy. Roosevelt’s policy was based on pragmatism as well as the idea of the nation’s obligatory retaliation to threats and attacks on the nation’s soil. His belief in the United States’ obligation to help foreign nations in need of political/military assistance is also a part of his policy. After the September 11th attacks, each of these ideals was echoed in President George W. Bush’s new foreign policy in that he reacted to the tragedy through military retaliation and force. Additionally once occupying the lands, the Bush administration chose to assist the Iraqi people and help them acquire the democratic ideals the US holds so dearly.